Annapolis Shooting: Mayor Discusses Active Shooter Simulation on National Television

Attended Drill, Spoke With Gazette Editor Minutes Before Shooting

This morning Annapolis Mayor Gavin Buckley pointed to the fact that there was an active shooter drill conducted by the city’s first responders less than one week before the Capital Gazette shooting, on June 22.

In a somewhat uncomfortable exchange on Fox&Friends, Annapolis’ mayor repeatedly glanced downward and stumbled through what appear to be a set of canned statements. He pointed to the fact that he conversed with the Capital Gazette‘s editor minutes before the event transpired, and further noted how he was present as the city’s police and fire departments rehearsed such a scenario one week ago.

“So many resources were thrown at this,” Buckley explained. “The fact that we had done … a drill … less than a week beforehand. And I had watched these guys come in and practice … Little did they know they would actually be doing that a week later.”

Buckley goes on to plead for mental health and gun control measures, in addition to the purported role social media (i.e. independent and uncensored information) may have played in the shooting.

These specific passages of the interview are transcribed verbatim below.

Fox&Friends: Joining us now is a mayor that probably didn’t get very much sleep last night, Gavin Buckley. Mr. Mayor sorry you’re going through this. Uh, what did you find when you got on the scene, and what could you tell our listeners and everybody—our viewers and everyone around the world, uh, what’s the latest with the shooter?

Buckley: So, uhm, we uh … I was speaking to the editor of the the Capital probably 20 minutes beforehand. That editor was not in the building when the shooter came in or he would have been dead I’m sure.

Uhm, he doesn’t go away very often. He works really hard. The journalists that lost their lives—all those journalists are like his children. He, uh, it’s going to be along time for his—him to recover.

Uh, we got the news, uh, we came straight to the scene. There were, uh, what felt like a hundred, uh, uh, em-em—emergency vehicles here.Uh, the situation was being addressed.

Th—so many resources were thrown at this. I don’t think there’s anything more but … I’m so proud of first responders, because I know, uh, that what they did saved lives.

And the fact that they got in there as fast as they did. The fact that we had done, uhm, a drill, uhm, less than a week beforehand. And I had watched these guys come in and practice. They stepped over simulated, uhm, victims, ah, headshots and, uhm, chest-shots and, and, and flesh wounds. They had to walk through—past those simulated victims, and had to go to the shooter and take the shooter down. Little did they know they would actually be doing that a week later.

Buckley repeated the usual litany of topics covered by public officials in the wake of most every mass shooting event over the past several years, while asking the public to empathize with local news outlets like the Gazette.

Buckley: We have to do something about these guys. We have to do something about mental health. We have to do something about gun control. We have to do something that stops, uh, society being so t–tightly wound.

This paper is not a left wing paper. It’s not a right wing paper. It’s a local paper that reports on local things. It reports on our kids sports teams. [It] reports on all the things that matter to us locally. There’s nothing this paper does that would offend you that much that you’d want to kill people.

Shortly thereafter Fox steered Buckley toward the alleged impact that commentary on social media has in precipitating such events.

Fox&Friends: But the thing is with the social media postings. Are you going to be part of a process that maybe reevaluates the threats that are online locally? Is there a way to do that? Is that something you’re going to focus on?

Buckley: I think it has to be, uh, definitely something we look into, because, uh, Chief Altamari’s talking about increasing resources to, uh, public safety for such things. We have to, uh, reevaluate how we, uh, prepare for these things. We have to be vigilant. We-we have to, uh, look for tell-tale signs and, you know, I think that what people, uh, uh, [are] so isolated now. They-they live in their silos and they sit in front of their screens, and they don’t get out there so you can’t tell [sic].


Annapolis Capital Gazette Mass Shooting

City of Annapolis First Responders Drilled For Event June 22

National news media today are proving wall-to-wall coverage of an apparent mass shooting event at the offices of the Capital Gazette newspaper in Annapolis Maryland.

NBC’s Washington DC affiliate station reports:

Five people have died and several others are “gravely injured” after a shooting Thursday at the Capital Gazette newspaper building in Annapolis, Maryland, local and federal officials say.

The names of the dead were not released immediately.

The suspected shooter is 38-year-old Jarrod Ramos, three senior law enforcement officials briefed on the matter told NBC News. Anne Arundel County police declined to provide the suspect’s name.

The suspect threatened the community newspaper on social media, police department spokesman Lt. Ryan Frashure said in a briefing Thursay night.

“This individual had some type of vendetta against the Capital newspaper, and they were specifically targeted,” he said.

The suspect is in custody, and authorities are interrogating him, officials said.

The suspect obscured his fingerprints, making it difficult to identify him, two senior law enforcement officials told NBC News. But officials were able to identify him using facial recognition software, multiple officials said. County police declined to comment on any use of those methods.

Mainstream news media employees are blaming President Trump’s criticism of “fake news media” for the event, according to the Washington Examiner,

Along these lines there are attempts to link the event to recent remarks made by political provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos.

You’re about to see a raft of news stories claiming that I am responsible for inspiring the deaths of journalists. The…

Posted by Milo Yiannopoulos on Thursday, June 28, 2018

Of course, these same corporate media outlets and personnel will keep from their readers the fact that, perhaps coincidentally, an active shooter drill took place in at St. Mary’s High School in Annapolis less than one week ago, as the Capital Gazette itself reported on its website June 22.

As MHB has repeatedly observed, in the fake news era the everyday spectator watching such a drill unfold on national television would be hard pressed to be able to distinguish between such a readiness exercise and a “real” event.

(Click to enlarge image)

In a video posted with the above report, for example, Annapolis fireman Ken White narrates the active shooter drill that took place just last week on St. Mary’s campus.

“With the increase of active shooter incidents we’re seeing we–the city has determined that it is important for us to hold this training,” White explains, “so that in the event that something may happen we’ll be well-prepared.”

Annapolis firefighters Ken White briefs Capital Gazette readers on the active shooter drill held June 22, 2018.
The City of Annapolis Police and Fire Departments held an active shooter drill June 22, 2018 at St. Mary’s High School.

A drill being held by local law enforcement and emergency response agencies has been a repeated occurrence at Annapolis and numerous mass shooting events over the past several years, indeed ever since the number of such incidents exploded under the Obama administration.

H/t Tony Mead


California Considers Monitoring Online Speech

Editor’s Note: California may set the tone for a national conversation and perhaps even set of laws addressing what the state’s lawmakers deem “false information … spread online.” Since political motivation and ideology often underly what one deems “fake news” this proposed move should be especially concerning for those who truly cherish free thought and expression. As the article below suggests, Facebook’s recent nod to corporate media outlets as an antithesis to “fake news” has demonstrated how such an effort is likely to be instituted in California and elsewhere. The Electronic Frontier Foundation argues that the law is dangerous because it places the governing body in a position to determine what is true and false.

The proposed speech legislation was introduced by California State Senator Richard Pan, a practicing pediatrician and the principal lawmaker behind SB277, the state’s mandatory vaccination law. A voter-driven campaign in 2015 to have Pan ousted from office was not successful.

California State Senator Richard Pan. Image Credit: Rich Pedroncelli/Associated Press

CBS13 Sacramento reports:

California is considering creating a “fake news” advisory group in order to monitor information posted and spread on social media.

Senate Bill 1424 would require the California Attorney General to create the advisory committee by April 1, 2019. It would need to consist of at least one person from the Department of Justice, representatives from social media providers, civil liberties advocates, and First Amendment scholars.

The advisory group would be required to study how false information is spread online and come up with a plan for social media platforms to fix the problem. The Attorney General would then need to present that plan to the Legislature by December 31, 2019. The group would also need to come up with criteria establishing what is “fake news” versus what is inflammatory or one-sided.

The Electronic Frontier Foundation opposes the bill, calling it “flawed” and “misguided.” The group argues the measure would make the government and advisory group responsible for deciding what is true or false. It also points out the First Amendment prevents content-based restrictions, even if the statements of “admittedly false.”

A recent study by Massachusetts-based MindEdge Learning was conducted with 1,000 young adults, ages 18 to 31-years-old. According to MindEdge’s nine-question survey, 52 percent of the respondents incorrectly answered at least four questions and received a failing grade. The number of young adults who could detect false information on the internet went down by all of the group’s measures. Only 19 percent of the college students and grads scored an “A” by getting eight or nine questions correct. That number is down from 24 percent in last year’s survey.

Facebook recently did away with its “Trending News” section – calling it outdated and unpopular. That section was criticized in the past after reports came out claiming the human editors were biased against conservatives. After Facebook fired those editors, the algorithms it replaced them with couldn’t always distinguish real news from fake.

After the 2016 election, Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg denied that fake news spread on the social site he oversees influenced the outcome- calling the idea “crazy.”

A previous bill, AB 155, would have required schools to teach students the difference between “fake news” and “real news.” It died in the Assembly Committee on Appropriations.

The current bill SB 1424 was authored by Senator Dr. Richard Pan. It passed the Senate on May 30, 2018 by a vote of 25-11. It will be heard by the Assembly Arts, Entertainment, Sports, tourism, and Internet Media Committee on Tuesday.


The President is Missing (From Orgy Island)

Clinton – Patterson – Epstein: The Art of the Book Deal

By Vivian Lee

The new political thriller, The President Is Missing, co-written by James Patterson and former President Bill Clinton, has debuted at #1 on the New York Times best-seller list for fiction in both the print/hardcover and e-book categories. Reviewed in the New York Times Book Review section for June 24, 2018, the novel is touted as “ambitious and wildly readable,” a story of “a president who ditches his handlers and goes rogue from the White House, convinced he is the only one who can foil a huge cyberterror plot.”

While the book “unspools smoothly,” it reportedly gets a bit bogged down at the end, with “a few too many unsubtle messages about the current state of our politics.” Nonetheless, the reviewer admires the novel, in its realistic depiction of “the selfless and often nameless people who work in government” who are willing even to lose their lives “because they are compelled to serve their nation,” in its exploration of the thin line between loyalty/duty and resentment/temptation, and in its shining of “a spotlight on the deep commitment of America’s adversaries to tear us apart and weaken our standing in the world.”

Touted as an “Instant #1 New York Times Bestseller,” the book already has nearly 700 amazon reviews, although its official release date was June 4. According to amazon, James Patterson “holds the Guinness World Record for the most #1 New York Times bestsellers, and his books have sold more than 375 million copies worldwide.” He has written 202 books to date and contributed to many philanthropic causes, receiving the National Book Foundation’s 2015 Literarian Award for Outstanding Service to the American Literary Community.

Were you wondering about this instant bestseller that seemingly appeared out of nowhere to take the reading world by storm? Not mere happenstance, the book resulted from a political deal between pseudo-author James Patterson (who writes 202 books?) and ageing lothario Bill Clinton, in the service of big bucks and Hillary’s 2016 bid for the presidency. The President Is Missing is tribute to the selfless and often nameless people who work in the publishing industry, compelled to serve the interests of the media stars who bring in the profits. [1]

Patterson not only writes novels, but also non-fiction, such as his 2016 book, Filthy Rich, another New York Times bestseller – “the shocking true story of Jeffrey Epstein,” the billionaire socialite, sometime scientist, and registered sex offender. Although Patterson gets author’s credit, he collaborated with investigative reporters John Connolly and Tim Malloy, who were responsible for much of the research and writing.

Until recently, Epstein has flown mostly below the radar (and I do mean flown), coming into view from time to time and recently exposed, partly, by Patterson’s semi-pornographic bio. Filthy Rich details the downfall of Epstein, relatively speaking, who was arrested after a complaint in 2005 and incarcerated in 2008, serving 13 months of an 18-month sentence.

Jeffrey Epstein – Filthy Rich

Born in Brooklyn, Epstein is now a billionaire and major donor to the Democratic Party, with residences in Palm Beach, New York City (“reputedly the largest private residence in Manhattan”), New Mexico, Paris, and the island of Little Saint James in the US Virgin Islands, which he owns. Although Epstein worked on Wall Street, eventually founding his own financial management firm, no one has quite been able to explain the source of his purported vast wealth. [2] This funded a lavish lifestyle and allowed him to dole out piles of C-notes to underage girls solicited to give him erotic “massages,” as detailed in graphic fashion by Patterson in Filthy Rich.

Sexual encounters occurred at Epstein’s residences and on his Boeing 727, dubbed the “Lolita Express,” which was outfitted with a bed for “orgies” with his guests and groups of young girls. Flight logs released in 2015-2016 list such luminaries as Kevin Spacey, Chris Tucker, Naomi Campbell, Woody Allen, Alan Dershowitz, and Bill Clinton. The ex-president took 26 trips on the Lolita Express, notably an excursion to Africa in 2002 to tour AIDS projects, and Epstein credits himself as “part of the original group that conceived the Clinton Global Initiative.” Yet Patterson’s Filthy Rich has little to say about Clinton, summing up the relationship as follows:

“Bill Clinton got the use of a jet out of Epstein – a trip to Africa. But he and Epstein weren’t bosom buddies.” [3]

Although Clinton was an obvious star of the show, and his role should have been investigated, The President Is Missing from Patterson’s 2016 book about Epstein.

Lolita Express Fox
Epstein’s “Lolita Express.” Image: John Coates,

Epstein’s pals include heads of state, entrepreneurs, academics and research scientists, celebrities, and numerous beautiful women, notably Ghislaine Maxwell, daughter of media mogul Robert Maxwell (né Ján Ludvík Hyman Binyamin Hoch). Robert Maxwell, head of the Mirror Group Newspapers, was alleged to be a Mossad agent by Seymour Hersh in his 1991 book on Israel’s nuclear program, The Samson Option. Maxwell denied the charge and sued Hersh for libel, but he died in November 1991, and the suit died with him. Hersh countersued and eventually received an apology and a settlement.[4]

Epstein Maxwell 2005 Politico
Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell. Image: POLITICO.

This has led to the speculation that Ghislaine Maxwell has Mossad connections as well. She was instrumental in procuring young girls for Epstein, in a constant supply for his use, her own use, and for loans to others. According to the testimony of several of the girls involved, they not only serviced Epstein and Maxwell but also their associates, including Prince Andrew, Alan Dershowitz, and other powerful players. The girls were asked to bring back reports on their liaisons, which were sometimes filmed with hidden cameras. [5] These look like high-end blackmail operations, with Epstein and Maxwell skimming sex off the top for their own sick pleasure. [6]

Virginia Roberts, now married and using the name Virginia Giuffre, filed an affidavit in 2015 claiming that Ghislaine Maxwell recruited her in 1999 at age 15 while she had a summer job at Mar-a-Lago. Giuffre spent four years as Epstein’s “sex slave” and was also pimped out to Prince Andrew and Dershowitz (although both have strenuously denied the charges). Giuffre claims that she never slept with Bill Clinton but met him twice at Little Saint James, and was sure “Bill must have known about Jeffrey’s girls.” At the very least, Clinton knew what Epstein was up to. [7]

Prince Andrew & Virginia Roberts Daily Mail 1-22-15
Prince Andrew and Virginia Roberts in 2001. Image: Daily Mail.

Justice Not Served

Things started to slide in 2005, when the parent of a 14-year-old contacted the Palm Beach Police, saying she believed her stepdaughter had been molested by a wealthy man. The girl had shown up at school with $300 in her purse, and soon she was describing Epstein’s mansion at 358 El Brillo Way and the “massage” she had given him. Palm Beach detectives began to investigate and turned up more girls involved both as participants and solicitors. The girls were interviewed, and a search of the premises netted ”sex toys,” erotic art, and nude photos of underage victims, as well as secret cameras.

Police Chief Michael Reiter and Detectives Joseph Recarey and Michael Dawson began to build a case, culminating in Recarey’s probable-cause affidavit in 2006. This found sufficient cause to charge Epstein with four counts of unlawful sexual activity with a minor as well as lewd and lascivious molestation, both second degree felonies. These would have put him behind bars for years if convicted. However, things went south when the case was handed off to Palm Beach state attorney Barry Krischer, who had a different plan for Epstein. Instead of having him arrested, he convened a grand jury.

The fix was clearly in, as the Palm Beach Police were not informed of the time and date of the grand jury meeting, and witnesses including the victims were not notified regarding their testimony. Recarey eventually learned that Krischer’s office had made an offer to Epstein and his attorneys, Guy Fronstin and Alan Dershowitz. Despite all the evidence amassed, the offer was for one count of aggravated assault with intent to commit a felony, regarding only a single victim (although 47 were eventually identified), and a sentence of five years probation. This was due to the efforts of Dershowitz, who had proceeded to attack and smear the victims.

The many interesting details that followed cannot be recounted here (you can read Filthy Rich), but the outcome was a plea deal in 2007, an NPA (“non-prosecution agreement”). By this time, Epstein’s legal team also included Ken Starr, Roy Black, and Jay Lefkowitz. The NPA allowed Epstein to plead guilty to two state felony charges, for solicitation of prostitution and procurement of minors for prostitution. He would register as a level 3 sex offender but not be prosecuted for felony offenses involving the sexual abuse of underage girls. The victims were allowed to sue him in civil court, but any potential co-conspirators were immune from prosecution.

Epstein in court to enter plea June 2008 PBP
Jeffrey Epstein in court to enter guilty plea, June 2008. Image: Palm Beach Post.

In 2008, Epstein pled guilty to the charges proposed. He received a 30-month sentence, including 18 months of jail time (of which he served 13 months), with six days off per week for “work release” (requiring him only to spend his nights in jail), and 12 months of house arrest (but allowing him to fly to his various residences). In what has been termed “a slap on the wrist,” he did his stint in the Palm Beach County Central Detention Center, not far from his home on El Brillo. Epstein enjoyed a single cell, in his own wing, with his own security guard, and unlimited visitors. According to the sheriff, “He was astonished that he had to go to prison at all.” [8]

The Art of the Book Deal

None of Epstein’s victims was consulted before the NPA was drafted, and this gave rise to a  complex series of lawsuits, followed by numbers of settlements. In 2008, victims’ rights attorney Bradley Edwards filed a suit citing the Crime Victims’ Rights Act, stipulating that victims of federal crimes have the right to be heard in court and not to be precluded from court proceedings. This is winding through the courts, and new allegations have appeared, keeping the case in view, at least intermittently. This caused a problem for some of Epstein’s associates, including Prince Andrew, Alan Dershowitz, and Bill and Hillary Clinton.

By early 2015, Roger Stone, Ken Silverstein, and others began to ask whether the Epstein affair might drag in Bill Clinton, creating a liability for Hillary in her bid for the presidency. Enter James Patterson, who was working on Filthy Rich with his investigative reporters. By the end of 2015, detective John Connolly announced that he was ready to turn over his manuscript to Patterson, so that the book could appear before the 2016 election. Why the rush, unless Patterson was working with the Clintons to establish a narrative – a narrative in which The President Is Missing from the Epstein saga? In return, Patterson got a lucrative book deal with co-author Bill Clinton, elevating his literary status considerably (his 202 books notwithstanding). However, this move did not help Hillary achieve her objective.

News of Bill’s 26 trips on the Lolita Express came out in May 2016, and in early November, just days before the election, highly-placed sources within the NYPD reported that both Bill and Hillary had frequented Little Saint James (“Orgy Island”), citing the contents of Anthony Weiner’s laptop. Forget James Comey and Hillary’s email server… The evidence from Weiner’s laptop, “enough evidence to put Hillary and her crew away for life,” was likely responsible for Donald Trump’s victory. [9] The details have not been released, although rumors abound on the internet, and photos have appeared allegedly showing tunnels and underground rooms on Little Saint James with disturbing images of children.

Trump Knauss Epstein Maxwell Mar-a-Lago 2000 Getty
Donald Trump, Melania Knauss (the future Mrs. Trump), Jeffrey Epstein, and Ghislaine Maxwell at Mar-a-Lago, 2000. Image: Getty.

Not that Trump gets a pass. Although he is said to have barred Epstein from Mar-a-Lago over Ghislaine Maxwell’s solicitation of young girls at his club, he was formerly an associate of the two and even an admirer of Epstein:

“I’ve known Jeff for fifteen years. Terrific guy. He’s a lot of fun to be with. It is even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it – Jeffrey enjoys his social life.” [10]

A woman using the pseudonym Katie Johnson has accused Trump and Epstein of raping her in 1994 when she was 13 years old, saying she realized only years later that one of her attackers was Donald Trump, after seeing him on “The Apprentice.” She filed suit in April 2016, but the suit was dismissed due to filing errors (the address given was a foreclosed home that had been vacant since the death of the owner). The suit was filed a second time but dropped on November 4 just before the election; no supporting evidence has appeared. The claims of Ms. Johnson have been deemed not credible by the Daily Mail, that most trustworthy of sources.

Meanwhile, Epstein is again in the news. In April, a fire allegedly broke out on Little Saint James. The lawsuit filed by Bradley Edwards against Epstein was scheduled to go to trial in March in Palm Beach County Circuit Court, but it has been further delayed by an appeal from Epstein’s attorneys. In May, the FBI released nine groups of files on Epstein, many of which are heavily redacted. One of the memos includes the sentence, “Epstein has also provided information to the FBI as agreed upon.” Some are speculating that the information he provided may explain the extreme leniency of his sentence. Former Palm Beach detective Joseph Recarey died in May, “after a brief illness,” at age 50. Recarey, mentioned above, was one of the lead investigators in the case against Epstein. “No other information about the cause of death was released.”

The case has been summarized in a recent Daily Beast article, and protesters have disrupted a Patterson-Clinton book tour event and a Trump rally voicing concerns over the Epstein connection. The story continues to unfold, with no end yet in sight, while Epstein presumably pursues his sybaritic lifestyle – and enjoys his freedom.

Vivian Lee is the nom de plume of a tenured professor at an east coast university.


[1] According to a 2016 piece on Patterson in The New Yorker, “most often he farms out the word processing to co-authors, who receive detailed outlines and send back work that ranges in quality from vibrant schlock to hectic dreck.”

[2] Vicky Ward, “The Talented Mr. Epstein,” Vanity Fair, March 2003. Landon Thomas Jr., “Jeffrey Epstein: International Moneyman of Mystery,” New York Magazine, October 28, 2002.

[3] James Patterson, et al., Filthy Rich, 270.

[4] Seymour Hersh, The Samson Option (New York: Random House, 1991), 312 ff. Hersh also asserted the charge at a news conference in London in October 1991 following the book’s publication.

[5] Adam Withnall, “FBI Has Videos of Underage Sex with Epstein and ‘Powerful friends’ – Virginia Roberts Claims,” Independent, February 9, 2015.

[6] According to her 2015 affidavit, “Epstein required me to describe the sexual events that I had with these men presumably so that he could potentially blackmail them,” Giuffre said, adding, “I am still very fearful of these men today.” Virginia Roberts Affidavit, section 58, p. 13.

[7] “When I was with him, Epstein had sex with underage girls on a daily basis. His interest in this kind of sex was obvious to the people around him. The activities were so obvious and bold that anyone spending any significant time at one of Epstein’s residences would have clearly been aware of what was going on.” Virginia Roberts Affidavit, section 17, pp. 5-6.

[8] Patterson, et al., Filthy Rich, 82-85, 161-189, 199-200.

[9] Vivian Lee, “President Donald Trump: The Art of the Deal.” Memory Hole Blog, November 10, 2016.

[10] Landon Thomas Jr., “Jeffrey Epstein: International Moneyman of Mystery,” New York Magazine, October 28, 2002.


Anthony Hall’s Politically-Motivated Expulsion From Academe

Senior Canadian Professor Offers Insights After Thorough Investigation of How He Was Targeted

Editor’s Note: In the Summer of 2016 Canada’s B’nai Brith began an intense propaganda and lobbying campaign that resulted in Lethbridge University moving to remove Professor Anthony Hall from his tenured position. This began after an unknown party posted a doctored and viciously anti-semitic image on Hall’s Facebook page. The Canadian mass media actively participated in Hall’s public lynching and eventual suspension through a series of false and defamatory reports abetting B’nai Brith’s targeting of Hall. (For previous MHB posts on Hall and U of  Lethbridge click here.)

In the Lethbridge Herald’s 2016 reports of the unfolding controversy the paper helped lead the chorus of outrage against Professor Hall

Further, documents released to Hall under Canada’s freedom of information law reveal how the University of Lethbridge’s president and other public officials bowed to the pressure brought by political groups including B’nai Brith which ultimately led to Hall’s October 2016 suspension. 

What were Hall’s thought crimes? Hall is actively involved in alternative media, rightly questions historically monumental events like the September 11, 2001 attacks and, as a scholar of indigenous movements, has been highly critical of Israel’s decades-long mistreatment of the Palestinian people. In certain respects Hall’s case parallels James Tracy’s, who blogged on matters of public concern and was terminated from his tenured professorship at Florida Atlantic University in early 2016 as a result of intense public pressure following publication of a false and defamatory opinion piece in the South Florida Sun-Sentinel.

Two years after the controversy began, a mainstream Canadian media outlet, the Lethbridge Herald, has provided Hall with a platform to express his side of the episode and ongoing assault on free speech and academic freedom spanning North America. University of Lethbridge officials were given several opportunities to respond but failed to provide anything substantive. The full text of Hall’s discussions with Nick Kuhl of the Lethbridge Herald is reproduced below.

Tony Hall and Lethbridge University (5 parts & follow-up letters) Nick Kuhl
Lethbridge Herald
June 3-8, 2018

Part 1: Hall tells his side of story

In 2016, he was suspended from his position of more than 25 years. A year later he was reinstated.

But there is still uncertainty whether he will ever step foot into a classroom again. So -— University of Lethbridge professor Tony Hall wants his story to be heard.

Hall, a tenured professor who has taught Globalization studies, Native American studies, and liberal education at the U of L since 1990, was suspended without pay in October 2016 over concerns he had contravened Section 3 of the Alberta Human Rights Act, including providing a platform for hate speech regarding some of his online activities.

He maintains some of the issues involve academic freedom and he should be allowed to promote his work as he sees fit.

During the next five days, The Herald will be presenting an exclusive special five-part series in which Hall speaks candidly about his experiences of the past nearly two years.

Following is part one of The Herald’s sit-down with Hall.

Herald: “Prof. Hall, in your opinion how did the sequence of events begin two years ago that has engulfed your career of nearly 30 years as a faculty member at the U of L?”

Hall: “Thank you Nick for that question, one that gives me an opening to go to the very origins of the controversy. Before explaining how it all started, however, allow me to remind readers that I was suspended from my professional duties at the University of Lethbridge in early October of 2016. My pay was cut to zero, I was pulled from my teaching in mid-term and I was banned from setting foot on campus.

“All these punitive measures flew in the face of the foundational rules of collegial governance at universities around the world. My suspension without due process violated protections supposedly embodied in my tenured status. My tenured employment as a university professor is woven into the fabric of a collective agreement joining faculty and administration in a two-sided dance of ongoing negotiation. Of what use is tenure if a tenured professor can be pulled from her or his academic duties for giving offence to powerful groups. Isn’t that exactly what the protections of tenure are supposed to guard against?

“No process of outside adjudication preceded my instant suspension. No justification was given other than for U of L President, Michael J. Mahon, to indicate that I might have violated provincial human rights law. In his confidential letter to me of Oct. 3 of 2016, Dr. Mahon announced, “It has been brought to my attention through numerous sources that you are engaging in and have engaged in a series of actions which, on their face, would appear to contravene Section 3 of the Alberta Human Rights Act.”

“The suspension added a major new factor to the force of a pre-existing trial by media that began to gather momentum starting late in the summer of 2016. Beginning on Aug. 26 officials at B’nai Brith Canada maliciously associated me with the horrific contents of a vile Facebook item said to have briefly appeared on my former Facebook wall. This posting was executed without my agency, knowledge or consent. The tactic was a virtual equivalent in the era of the internet and social media to having illicit drugs or an explosive device planted on one’s person prior to a police sting operation.

“This Facebook post is said to have appeared and then disappeared on my Facebook wall during the duration of a few hours on Aug. 26. When I first learned of the existence of the Facebook deception in mid-September, I publicly condemned the post’s atrocious contents as running contrary to my fundamental values as a schooled opponent of genocide in all its manifestations.

“The Facebook deception was instrumental in creating the momentum of a campaign to discredit and cripple me professionally, a campaign that continues yet. The Facebook deception quickly plunged me under a cloud of infamy and public shaming. This description here in the Lethbridge Herald is the first time I have been provided with a venue in mainstream media to explain my perspective on what transpired.

“To this day the university administration has yet to address its relationship to the digital operation that created the manufactured crisis within which I was suspended without pay and due process. The object of the deception was clearly to smear my reputation by wrongfully identifying me with the repugnant content of a Photoshopped image together with a vicious text “proclaiming “KILL ALL JEWS NOW! … The Holocaust never happened but it should have.”

“Since the summer of 2017 I am in a position to document many surprising features of this case. I can do so based on letters obtained in response to Freedom of Information requests to the Alberta Ministry of Justice and to the U of L administration. Some of the retrieved letters expose heretofore hidden aspects of the Facebook deception that were deployed with all the destructiveness of a reputational wrecking ball.

“On Aug. 27, the day following the alleged appearance and disappearance of the Facebook post in question, reports identifying me with its reprehensible contents were circulated widely. In documents obtained from the FOIP Office of Alberta’s Justice Ministry I have proof of communication to top officials characterizing the reprehensible Facebook post as being indicative of my true opinions. Nothing could be further from the truth.

“Copies of a particularly accusatory letter calling for me to be fired went immediately to Dr. Mahon, to the RCMP, to Premier Rachel Notley, to Justice Minister Kathleen Ganley and to Alberta Minister of Advanced Education Marlin Schmidt. The communication sent to these figures slanderously identified me as “an advocate for the murder of Jews.”

“Simultaneously B’nai Brith Canada moved quickly to put the planted Facebook post before Lethbridge and Calgary Police Services with a call that these agencies open investigations. This request was quickly met in the affirmative. I was investigated to see if I would be charged with hate speech and incitement to commit genocide!

“I was indeed investigated by the police who decided not to charge me with a crime. Nevertheless, reports of the police investigation were made to proliferate. B’nai Brith Canada immediately publicized on its website reports of police involvement in my case. My response to this development is to emphasize that I should have been seen not as a possible protagonist in the commission of a crime. On the contrary I was quite clearly the target and victim of an audaciously deceptive Facebook operation.

“The political lobby’s smear operation quickly evolved into a campaign to have me removed from my professorial post. B’nai Brith Canada mounted a petition drive to have me investigated and fired. This objective was apparently embraced and advanced by the university administration as evidenced by its decision to suspend me from my professional duties on Oct. 3 and 4.

“My contention about the nature and purpose of the Facebook deception forms a core argument in the statement of self-defence I recently put before the panel currently investigating this case. At present I am trying to obtain a hearing to develop the oral aspect of my self-defence. For my part in the proceedings I am seeking to include the live testimony of witnesses who will appear before a three-person panel charged to investigate the underlying facts of this matter.

“Due to a court ruling on Sept. 15 of 2017, one that the U of L Board lost and my faculty association won, I am able at last to begin to relate my side of the story in a properly-constituted process. The outlines of this process are set out in provisions in the University of Lethbridge Faculty Handbook and in the terms of a tripartite agreement. This agreement takes the form of a contract signed with me by representatives of both the U of L Board and Faculty Association on Oct. 30 of 2017.

“I have developed the written basis of my self-defence in a 500-page account I have authored and recently submitted to the members of the investigating panel. These panel members are fellow faculty members, two from the U of Alberta and one from the U of Lethbridge. My submission also includes 100 pages of primary source documents, some of which were obtained on my behalf through Freedom of Information inquiries.

“In my estimation that main attribute of the documents obtained through FOIP show a pattern of thick collaboration beginning in the July of 2016 between the university administration and a powerful political lobby. A core unit in this lobby has been B’nai Brith Canada, the lead agency in the Facebook deception mounted against me in the prelude to what many have described as my illegal suspension.”

U of L officials were given the opportunity by The Herald to respond to all of Hall’s direct claims. They provided this statement:

“The University of Lethbridge will not provide any comment on the background or the process currently underway related to Dr. Hall. The process was agreed to by Dr. Hall, the University of Lethbridge Faculty Association (ULFA) and the University of Lethbridge Board of Governors. To comment at this time would be inappropriate and irresponsible.”

Part 2: Hall explaines history of suspension

Herald: “Might you briefly summarize for our readers the range of subjects covered in the 500- page defence document?”

Hall: “The document addresses the substance of a complaint against me written on behalf of the Board of Governors. As negotiated in the tripartite agreement, the issuing of the complaint accompanied my reinstatement into my professional duties on campus on Nov. 23 of 2017. One of the tasks I set out to accomplish in authoring the 500-page document was to explain the history of this case prior to the interjection of the recently-selected panel members. Allow me please to explain for readers as I do in the report some key features of the history spanning the period between the Facebook deception and now.

“To explain his actions against me, President Mahon released on Oct. 13 of 2016 the first of what would become a series of published announcements to the ‘University Community.’ Dr. Mahon explained, ‘this action is not focused on Dr. Hall’s published scholarship, driven by complaints of students, or the demands of external advocacy groups. It is focused on his YouTube-based videos and comments in social media that have been characterized as being anti- Semitic, supportive of Holocaust denial and engagement in conspiracy theories.’

“I have come to view the phrases used at the end of this statement as weaponized terms most frequently deployed with the object of trying to terminate or maim the careers especially of public intellectuals. The aim in my case and many others I have examined, is to try to kill the message by delegitimizing the messenger. Open debate is thereby constrained and sometimes crushed. As with Dr. Mahon’s announcement, the weaponized phrases are rarely deployed with clear definitions. Nor are they projected into the public sphere with explicit evidence.

“This way of trying to shut down discussion and debate especially in universities is hugely consequential. Most often this strategy is directed at critics of the Israeli government’s treatment of Palestinians, a category that includes me. Is this kind of public lashing an appropriate tactic to undermine professionally a faculty member with whom a university’s CEO disagrees?

“At the very least, surely there is a particular onus to be more circumspect and linguistically precise when a university president steps onto her or his bully pulpit to let loose weaponized language aimed at blasting an academic reputation to smithereens.

“Dr. Mahon’s reference to the role of YouTube in his effort to justify suspending me outside the terms of the collective agreement almost certainly points to my role in co-hosting with Dr. Kevin Barrett a regular internet broadcast entitled False Flag Weekly News. Between late 2015 and late 2017 I co-hosted a weekly conversation where Dr. Barrett and I regularly addressed about 40 media reports describing current events.

“A particular emphasis in our FFWN commentaries is to evaluate evidence concerning violent events often reported in mainstream media as the independent work of violent Islamic jihadists. Usually these reports indicate that Muslim terrorists act out of no other motivation than religious zealotry and hatred of western freedoms.

“Our sceptical approach to such reportage is framed within a larger interpretation of the role of deception in initiating and waging the Global War on Terror from 2001 until now.

“As many of your readers will be aware, there is a large and many-faceted citizens’ investigation fuelling a popular movement of millions of individuals who do not accept as valid the official narrative of what happened on 9/11.

“Dr. Barrett and I and many of those who regularly watch FFWN share this widespread scepticism. Based on long and focused research, publication and interaction with other investigators, Dr. Barrett and I share a general interpretation of false flag terrorism. While we often disagree on particular points, we agree with a general hypothesis.

“This interpretation posits that a deep state operation replaced the demonology directed at communism in the era of the Cold War with the demonology pointed at Islamic people and religion in the era of the Global War on Terror (GWOT). The purposeful and systematic demonization of Muslims is sometimes identified as the organized promotion of Islamophobia. Flawed interpretations of 9/11 and other subsequent episodes of possible false-flag terrorism can be interpreted as stimulants to Islamophobia.

“The process of helping along the creation of a new enemy has massively empowered those seeking to expand the militarization and police state attributes of the so-called ‘West.’ In the era of the GWOT, Muslim majority countries including Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen have been invaded and largely pulverized with the object of bringing about ‘regime change.’

“This military adventurism has resulted in the murdering, maiming and violent displacement of many millions of indigenous peoples in Eurasia and the Middle East. Worse is yet to come if the extension of the GWOT results in the invasions of Iran and possibly Russia as well. Where is the peace movement when we need it the most? How can the peace movement be effective without evidence-based analysis of the true genesis of the 9/11 wars, of the ongoing GWOT?

“On FFWN we consider, for instance, the U.S. backing in Syria of the al-Qaeda proxy army and its outgrowth in al-Nusra. This backing has been provided with the object of overthrowing the elected Syrian government led by Bashar al-Assad. This support for al-Qaeda in Syria replicates the CIA’s support for al-Qaeda in the 1980s when Western intelligence agencies recruited, backed and armed a Muslim proxy army with the object of overthrowing the Soviet-backed puppet regime in Afghanistan. How is it that the U.S. government has been backing the supposed culprits of 9/11 in al-Qaeda’s recent involvement in the clash of hostile armed forces in Syria? What is wrong with this picture?

“In the NATO countries, core polities of ‘the West,’ we face regular episodes of sometimes lethal local violence often attributed to the independent actions of Islamic jihadists in, for instance, Paris, Munich, San Bernardino, Orlando and even Ottawa in October of 2014. We talk about possible scenarios of what really happened on FFWN. Dr. Barrett and I also sometimes present our analysis in written essays, often with the object of trying to challenge the veracity of official narratives. One telling indicator of possible false-flag terrorism is the near instant release of official interpretations formulated well before proper police investigations could have taken place.

“The events of 9/11 offer a paradigmatic example of this phenomenon. The core elements of an interpretation about who did what to whom and why, were offered up almost immediately on the fateful day. The supposed culprits were identified and publicized long before the dust had even settled from the pulverization of three steel-frame skyscrapers in New York struck by two jet airplanes.

“The main outlines of this hastily-formulated official interpretation have been retained to this day despite the sceptical findings of many researchers who do not accept the official narrative as valid. One of these 9/11 sceptics is Prof. David Ray Griffin. Prof. Griffin has authored 11 carefully documented books describing various aspects of the 9/11 crime. Many agree with Prof. Griffin’s assessment that existing evidence does not support the official narrative of the 9/11 crime. This evidence remains incomplete due in part to the obstructions put in the way of proper investigations into what continues to be the most consequential global event of the 21st century.”

U of L officials were given the opportunity by The Herald to respond to all of Hall’s direct claims. They provided this statement:

“The University of Lethbridge will not provide any comment on the background or the process currently underway related to Dr. Hall. The process was agreed to by Dr. Hall, the University of Lethbridge Faculty Association (ULFA) and the University of Lethbridge Board of Governors. To comment at this time would be inappropriate and irresponsible.”

Part 3: Role of Human Rights Commission in Tony Hall case

Herald: Can you comment please on the role of the Alberta Human Rights Commission (AHRC) in this case?

Hall: “Sure Nick. I have learned from documents obtained from the Alberta Ministry of Justice’s FOIP Office that in early September of 2016 the Ministry’s ‘Human Rights Commission Group’ was shipped materials pertaining to what I have termed the Facebook deception. This transfer of material happened before I was made aware of the smear campaign against me beginning with highlighting the offensive digital item as if it represented my views.

“On Sept. 1 the president of the Canadian Jewish Civil Rights Association, Bert Raphael Q.C., wrote to Dr. Mahon to assert that the offensive text ‘came from my lips.’ Mr. Raphael added, I would ‘respectfully suggest that such an odious pronouncement would warrant Professor Hall’s dismissal from your University.’

“On seeing these comments, why did not Dr. Mahon contact me immediately to seek my side of the story concerning the offensive digital item? To this day I have not discussed face-to-face this topic or any topic with the elusive Dr. Mahon. Why did Dr. Mahon fail to do due diligence by investigating personally the Facebook episode to assure the safety of faculty, students, administrators and support staff at our school? Did Dr. Mahon fail to contact me personally because he was involved in a plot to keep me in the dark about what was happening for as long as possible?

“The Oct. 3 letter introducing the suspension included an allegation that made oblique reference to the digital item at the heart of the furor. It indicated that my Facebook page was ‘being used for virulent anti-semitic comments.’ Who was using the page in this way? What was the intention of B’nai Brith Canada in wrongfully attributing to me ‘anti-semitic comments’ that I did not author, invite or sanction on my Facebook wall? What prior or subsequent knowledge, if any, did the university administration have of the Facebook deception? Why does the university administration so persistently avoid answering this question, one that I have asked repeatedly?

“Throughout the autumn of 2016 Dr. Mahon made frequent reference to a complaint being prepared by the U of L Board of Governors to be put before the AHRC. When this complaint was submitted in mid-December of 2016 it was accompanied by an announcement that my pay was being restored.

“As indicated on Jan. 17, 2017 in a widely published news story picked up from the Canadian Press, it was B’nai Brith official Amanda Hohmann, not a U of L official, who explained the restoration of pay. Ms. Hohmann explained in the press report, ‘Certainly, we would support anything that means that the complaint would be handled properly and is going to succeedÉ We would hate to see something like this thrown out on a technicality.’

“Why is a B’nai Brith Canada official explaining for the media an internal decision by the university administration about a change in policy concerning the pay of a suspended faculty member? As I see it, this statement on behalf of the University of Lethbridge by a B’nai Brith spokesperson adds to the evidence of an especially close collaboration between the school’s administrative branch and a core agency of a powerful political lobby.

“The preparation of the complaint to the AHRC was apparently developed through a series of secret investigations conducted outside the rules of the collective agreement. Dr. Owen Holmes has recently brought forward a surprising account of these investigations sometimes defined in media reports as ‘internal’ and sometimes identified as ‘external.’ Dr. Holmes, who is now in his 80s, was one of the main founders of the University of Lethbridge. On April 23 Dr. Holmes distributed yet another of his written missives in what he describes ‘as a series of communications intended to encourage all parties to seek early resolution of the issues [this case] has spawned, with copies widely distributed for transparency.’

“In the April 23 item Dr. Holmes wrote, ‘From published materials and miscellaneous incidental sources, I count that over the last couple of years Hall’s professional work has been assessed at least a dozen different times, half within the U of L and half by external bodies that gained intrusive foothold only through the failed trusteeship of a weak and incompetent Board.’ Dr. Holmes added, ‘not one of these operations had a trace of respectability in relation to the fundamentals of academic due process . . . Even Franz Kafka would be impressed.’

“To this day the university administration has not reported to the university community or to ULFA or to me that the board’s original complaint to the AHRC was rejected. The AHRC’s letter of rejection issued on Feb. 13, 2017 contained a number of written reasons I have cited in my 500-page report to the investigating panel. The AHRC’s rejection was authored by AHRC official John Gabriele.

“A second board complaint to the AHRC was subsequently accepted for consideration of the AHRC. I wrote a response to the second complaint but withheld it until Judge Glen H. Poelman’s court ruling of Sept. 15. Judge Poelman’s ruling upheld the Alberta government’s legal capacity to appoint an arbitrator to look into ULFA grievances generated by the original suspension and by subsequent board breaches of my right to privacy.

“After Judge Poelman denied the board’s request for a stay of proceedings and a judicial review of the whole matter, the university administration terminated its relationship with lawyer, Robert W. Thompson of Code Hunter Law Firm in Calgary. The board’s new Edmonton-based lawyer, together with ULFA’s lawyer, Leanne Chahley, then went to work on expediting subsequent procedures resulting in the tripartite agreement of Oct. 30, 2017.

“In this agreement the board agreed to withdraw its second complaint to the AHRC even as ULFA agreed to ask the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT) to withdraw its very consequential threat to censure the University of Lethbridge. The sidelining of the AHRC in this matter opened the way to bring the controversy properly within the framework of the collective agreement where it now resides.

“In my view this shift away from the AHRC and towards the workings of the collective agreement at the University of Lethbridge has important positive implications for the shared professional interests of all university faculty members in Canada. While this recent development points in the right direction, however, many fundamental aspects of this case remain unresolved and in some instances in limbo.”

U of L officials were given the opportunity by The Herald to respond to all of Hall’s direct claims. They provided this statement:

“The University of Lethbridge will not provide any comment on the background or the process currently underway related to Dr. Hall. The process was agreed to by Dr. Hall, the University of Lethbridge Faculty Association (ULFA) and the University of Lethbridge Board of Governors. To comment at this time would be inappropriate and irresponsible.”

Part 4: Hall maintains key documents relevant to case withheld

Herald: “What do you mean “in limbo”? Can you give me a concrete example?”

Hall: “Yes. One such matter concerns the holding back by the university administration of information that is very relevant to the investigation of this significant series of episodes in the institutional life of the University of Lethbridge.

“In response to our FOIP requests to the university administration we received only limited and often unsatisfactory releases of relevant documents. Many key documents were withheld that would undoubtedly shed more light on a variety of topics relevant to this case. In a dozen different instances university lawyer Scott Harling invoked the rationale of “solicitor-client privilege” to hold back relevant information. What are the implications of such wholesale resort to justifying secrecy in ways that cut against the need for accountability from a public institution funded in significant measure by taxpayers’ dollars.

“The FOIP investigations done on my behalf were carried out by Ken Rubin, an Ottawa-based expert on such matters. Mr. Rubin was contracted by the CAUT to provide this service. In his report to CAUT executive director, David Robinson, Mr. Rubin explained, “The most concerning point in the University of Lethbridge records provided is the lack of much information about [the administration’s] own investigation of HallÉ Incredibly, the records show President Mahon invited four external groups (B’nai Brith et. al.) to consult with Robert Thompson, the university’s [former] external lawyer investigating the Hall case, where they could have legal counsels present. Yet it appears Hall was never consulted or approached, at least there are no records to that effect.

“I can confirm I was not invited to the secret meetings organized by Dr. Mahon and Robert Thompson to discuss with representatives of the outside lobby the matter of my labour relations with the University of Lethbridge. Nor was ULFA informed of, or made party to, these secret meetings. In the primary sources appended to my report to the investigating panel, I have included the letters from Dr. Mahon to officials of the Calgary Jewish Federation (CJF) and the Centre for Israel and Affairs (CIJA).

“The letters of Oct. 20, 2016 were part of the material received from the FOIP Office of the University of Lethbridge. In the letters composed in the immediate aftermath of my suspension, Dr. Mahon proposes to Mathew Godwin of the CIJA and to Jeffrey L. Smith Q.C. of the CJF, ‘if you would like to have legal counsel present, Mr. Thompson would be happy to accommodate this.’

“The text of the letters appeared under the heading, ‘Re: Anthony Hall.’ It is troubling and difficult for me to consider the assumptions underlying the legal construction of this procedure. It makes of me an object, a subject matter – Re: Anthony Hall – rather than a participant in negotiations to determine my own future.

“The understanding seems to be that by suspending me, the U of L board and president excluded me from any requirement even to copy me in correspondence concerning my future. Certainly there was a determination that I was to be excluded from deliberations quite probably directed at terminating my still-unextinguished status as a tenured professor at the University of Lethbridge. Did those who implemented my suspension assume that their actions negated my status even as a citizen as well as a faculty member?

“Silent volumes are spoken by the fact of ULFA’s pre-emption in the process by an external lobby group notwithstanding that the main subject on the table was labour relations with a controversial faculty member. The episode seemingly offers a textbook example of the subordination of a university board to the political machinations of a powerful external lobby. How can vital imperatives of academic freedom be maintained in an educational milieu where powerful external lobbies can sometimes alternate between carrot-and-stick tactics to gain enormous influence over university administrators?

“I suspect that the secret negotiations between the board’s former lawyer and some legal representatives of the Israel lobby in Canada came up with interpretations and perspectives that found their way into the first and second complaints to the AHRC. Some of the substance of these earlier complaints re-appeared in the complaint of Nov. 23 authored by former Acting Dean of Arts and Science, Dr. Michelle Helstein.

“I have my doubts and concerns about the possible ongoing role of the external lobby in this case. Recall that the external lobby introduced its hostility to aspects of my academic work as a tenured professor with a blitzkrieg-style deployment of social media in the Facebook deception initiated on Aug. 26 of 2016. Is there an ongoing involvement of the external lobby still operative in the background of the current proceedings? Is the investigating panel replicating old patterns of stealthy procedure epitomized by the secret lawyers meetings instituted with the label, “Re: Anthony Hall?

“I am attempting to show good faith in the current proceedings. I am doing so by proposing to bring forward witnesses. The witnesses would include one or more of my former students to comment on my teaching if that is to be a topic of investigation.

“In addition I have put forward the name as a witness of Dr. Graeme MacQueen. With a PhD from Harvard, Dr. MacQueen is the founder and first executive director of the Peace Studies program at McMaster University in Ontario.

“In anticipating on March 1 of this year Dr. MacQueen’s possible role as a witness, I wrote,

‘Dr. MacQueen’s scholarly activism as a proponent of peace and as an opponent of militarism in all its many manifestations forms the main connection that originally brought him to 9/11 Studies. His thesis is that, in order to offer a viable resistance to the 9/11 wars, some solid evidence-based analysis of who did what to whom in the originating episode of the Global War on Terror is a necessary condition for the growth and effectiveness of a viable peace movement.’

U of L officials were given the opportunity by The Herald to respond to all of Hall’s direct claims. They provided this statement:

“The University of Lethbridge will not provide any comment on the background or the process currently underway related to Dr. Hall. The process was agreed to by Dr. Hall, the University of Lethbridge Faculty Association (ULFA) and the University of Lethbridge Board of Governors. To comment at this time would be inappropriate and irresponsible.”

Part 5: Controversy test case for universities: Hall

Tony Hall, a tenured University of Lethbridge professor who has taught Globalization studies, Native American studies and liberal education at the U of L since 1990, was suspended without pay in October 2016 over concerns he had contravened Section 3 of the Alberta Human Rights Act, including providing a platform for hate speech regarding some of his online activities.

Following is the conclusion of The Herald’s recent sit-down with Hall.

Herald: “In summation, Prof. Hall, what do you see as the big issues raised by the contentions between you and the administration of the University of Lethbridge?”

Hall: “I believe this controversy is becoming something of a test case whose outcome will influence how universities will be governed in the future. This case is already setting precedents for institutions of higher learning in Alberta and beyond. These schools of advanced education play vital roles at the very interface between continuity and change in the evolution of our most important civilizational complexes.

“The contentions set in motion by my suspension raise many fundamental questions. For instance, how is it to be decided what can or cannot be the subject of research, publication and pedagogy at universities? How is expertise in various fields of study to be acquired, passed along, certified and applied these days? Who is to decide what academic faculty get hired, retained or dismissed?

“Should limits be set on what can be investigated, discussed, debated, written about and taught in the curriculum? If so, how are these boundaries to be set? By whom and how should these outlines of academic legitimacy be established? Are there checks currently in place to safeguard the integrity of procedures currently used to decide such matters? Are the supposed safeguards adequate to meet the growing incursions of powerful political lobbies?

“All of these questions bear directly on the fundamental issue pertaining to the role of university faculty members and administrators in drawing distinctions between truth and falsehood, between legitimate inquiry and quackery. In this sense universities constitute a kind of high court for such determinations essential to the very viability of free and democratic societies founded on platforms of enlightenment and rationality.

“The pursuit of truth through the application of evidence combined with disciplined reasoning is not the same thing as a popularity contest. Accordingly, it has long since been recognized that there has to be some special protections for qualified university faculty members who may from time to time develop interpretations that are seen as menacing to those in positions of power. These considerations have much to do with the frequency that specialized terms like tenure, academic freedom and peer review come up in my case.

“This contention at the University of Lethbridge is coming to embody the basic dilemmas that often arise when powerful interests line up with the object of trying to silence the message by professionally destroying the messenger. Essential to my self-defence is my conclusion drawn from primary documents that the board of governors of our university has aligned itself too closely with a powerful political lobby that began a systematic attack on my reputation prior to my suspension in October of 2016.

“Then on November 24, 2017, the day after I was reinstated to my professional position, Alberta Premier Rachel Notley joined with the powerful interests calling for my removal from the academy. In public pronouncements Premier Notley condemned both my academic work and my reputation. Premier Notley declared that I “absolutely” should not be “teaching students;” that she sees my views as “repulsive, offensive and not reflective of Alberta.” Our premier said nothing about how she arrived at her conclusions. Could it be that her opinion of me continues to be influenced by the misrepresentation of the Facebook deception funnelled into her office on August 27 of 2016?”

The Herald has not received a response from Premier Rachel Notley’s office regarding comments towards her.

U of L officials were given the opportunity by The Herald to respond to all of Hall’s direct claims. They provided this statement:

“The University of Lethbridge will not provide any comment on the background or the process currently underway related to Dr. Hall. The process was agreed to by Dr. Hall, the University of Lethbridge Faculty Association (ULFA) and the University of Lethbridge Board of Governors. To comment at this time would be inappropriate and irresponsible.”

Herald: “Tony, after going over all of this, do you have any final comment, or overarching statement?”

Hall: “I moved to Lethbridge in 1990, January 1st of 1990, to take up my position as associate professor of Native American studies. I moved here, I have joined in the community, I’ve contributed to the life of the community, including The Lethbridge Herald, and the discourse of The Lethbridge Herald, whether it be the Yuan Yi hog plant, or Milton Born With A Tooth and the Oldman Dam, or the free trade area of the Americas, and the controversy that unfolded in 2001, fluoridation, smart meters – I haven’t been shy to try to contribute to the discourse. And sometimes I’ve been unpopular as a result. And sometimes I’ve been popular as a result.

“But, anyway, that’s the nature of discourse in the public sphere. I’ve taken pride in the fact that I can communicate through popular press, in very accessible media, and explain, what might seem to some, complex matters in language that is accessible to people. My really deep commitment to justice for First Nations in Canada, and looking at Indigenous peoples increasingly in a North American context, a Western Hemisphere context, and in a global context, I think it’s not surprising that my attention was drawn to the plight of Palestinians, to the situation in the Middle East, that I read the situation, which involves a very gross disparity of power between a sovereign country, Israel, and a people who have no state, the Palestinians, that there needs to be some equity. And there needs to be some voices raised to people who are suffering in the terms of how power is exercised these days.

“Muslim people after 9/11 have been put in a particularly precarious position and I mean the worldwide community of two billion Muslims, the Islamic religion, Islamic people, Islamic culture, Islamic philosophy. So I’ve lent my voice to drawing attention to that and I see 9/11 and the interpretation of 9/11, and the Global War On Terror, and the way terrorism is depicted; some instances that I think aren’t depicted as they really should be.

“I seek to use my experience as a researcher, my capacity to articulate things in the public milieu; I’ve written for the Globe and Mail, I’ve written for the Toronto Star, I’ve written for the Ottawa Citizen. To me, it is a tactic that I’ve used throughout my academic career to comment on contemporary issues and bring historical interpretations to that cause or to that procedure, to that process. So, to me, False Flag Weekly News fit into that pattern and was a kind of natural for me.

“I would like to see some calm and collegial resolution to this matter. I don’t think that the differences are as radical as some would like them to be. And, of course, I made a commitment to this community. I’m still here and I would like to be able to live in this community and continue to contribute in this community and be understood as having a good intention. People may disagree with my interpretations; I might even irritate some people the way I express myself. But this is how it works in the sphere of ideas and conflicting interpretations. This is what we have universities for.

“Knowing how to agree to disagree is crucial. I think we should embrace that ideal of finding ways to agree to disagree that is essential in the process of advancing liberal education – which the University of Lethbridge apparently stands for.”

Letter from Kurt Schlachter, Chair, University of Lethbridge Board of Governors

Lethbridge Herald, Readers Forum, June 6, 2018, p. A8

Series a one-sided account of complex issue

The University of Lethbridge values the Lethbridge Herald’s important role in covering the significant news and events that happen in our community. Therefore, we were not surprised that our local newspaper has chosen to dedicate some of its resources to covering the story related to Dr. Anthony Hall.

What is disappointing, however, is that the Lethbridge Herald did not apply any journalistic standards in publishing the articles that appeared on June 4 and 5, which are apparently intended to be the first two instalments of a five-part series. These articles are nothing more than an open- ended question followed by an unchallenged response. It was irresponsible of the journalist who authored them to have enabled a on-sided and unfettered account of this complex matter as he did, in which he asks no follow-up questions, seeks no burden of proof, and cites no additional research. Encouraging such statements to be made without so much as a follow-up questions does not meet the basic standards of respectable journalism, and encourages conflict and controversy rather than responsible and respectable discourse.

This concern is compounded by the fact that the very nature of the dispute between the University of Lethbridge and Dr. Hall is inherently confidential, and as such our ability to respond is extremely limited. The process that is currently underway is articulated in the Faculty Handbook, and was initiated as a result of an agreement between the University of Lethbridge Board of Governors, the University of Lethbridge Faculty Association, and Dr. Hall himself. The Faculty Handbook clearly articulates a respect for privacy and confidentiality in all its processes. As such, the university will not waiver from abiding by the terms (including confidentiality) outlined in the handbook and in the tri-partite agreement governing the present process.

While we fully support an independent media inquiring about and publicizing issues of civic importance, we question the blatant lack of critical analysis in this series of pieces. By simply posing open-ended questions and publishing the unchallenged responses, our community is left with nothing more than an opinion. Without research, fact-checking, and challenging follow-up questions, there can be no journalistic integrity, which significantly reduces the value of your reporting.

Kurt Schlachter
Chair, University of Lethbridge Board of Governors.

TonyHall’s response to the Schlachter letter (as yet unpublished) 11 June, 2018

To the Editor of the Lethbridge Herald;

In a his June 6 response in the Lethbridge Herald, University of Lethbridge Board of Governors Chair, Kurt E. Schlachter, voiced criticism of the newspaper and its City Editor, Nick Kuhl, for publishing the recent five-part series titled, “Hall tells his side of the story.”

Mr. Schlachter asserted that the LH “did not apply any journalistic standards in publishing the articles.” He also indicated that these articles went to print “without research” and without “fact checking” to address “the burden of proof.”

On the contrary, Mr. Kuhl did much behind-the-scenes preparation for the series. Before our exchanges “on the record,” Mr. Kuhl devoted much of his time in our preliminary discussions to careful readings of the precise texts of many official documents. As we moved through these primary sources, the City Editor sought answers from me to many questions arising from his study of the documentary evidence.

The five-part series introduced much new information into the public domain. Many of the fresh disclosures establish points of reference vital to establishing the factual foundations necessary for a proper and balanced discussion of this ongoing case.

By publishing this previously concealed information, Mr. Kuhl and the Lethbridge Herald fulfilled the highest standards of professional journalism. Mr. Kuhl’s decision to illuminate rather than obfuscate some of the core dynamics of this controversy promises to enable more informed public discourse on the future of higher education in Alberta and beyond.

Many documents that Mr. Kuhl examined came in response to Freedom of Information and Privacy (FOIP) requests directed to the appropriate authorities. The communications brought forward were authored by official sources in the provincial government, university administration and in agencies of the political lobby that has played such an intrusive role in this matter.

Mr. Schlachter advances the case that the dispute at issue here is “inherently confidential.” This comment fails to acknowledge that the University Administration was instrumental in helping to orchestrate a very public media smear campaign directed against my person and reputation. This trial by media was conducted inside and outside the University in ways that were anything but confidential.

This matter only entered its current phase following a court ruling by Judge Glen H. Poelman on 15 Sept. of 2017. In his ruling Judge Poelman conveyed to the Board of Governors that it would need to take part in a properly-constituted investigation within the terms of the U of L’s collective agreement. The Judge made it clear that Board of Governors could not indefinitely favour the external lobby by sidelining ULFA from its rightful role as a primary party in this labour relations dispute. It remains to be seen if the “procedural fairness” provisions referred to in the collective agreement and in the tripartite contract of Oct. 30 2017 will be adhered to in the present stage of this ongoing process.

To summarize, more than a year and a half had elapsed before I was given an opportunity to publish in a mainstream media venue an account highlighting my understanding of this matter. This departure from past practice occurred because Mr. Kuhl took an initiative on behalf of his newspaper to introduce more balance and equity into the slanted media coverage that commenced in June of 2016.

Only now is this matter coming within the procedures outlined in the U of L’s collective agreement. Only now am I able to contribute to public awareness by relating on the record my side of the story. This timing should indicate for the attentive that all previous judgments were premature. Nevertheless, I have no choice but to bear the heavy professional damage already wrought by the onslaught of negative publicity attending the Facebook deception followed by my illegal suspension. Put plainly, because of the University Administration’s aggressions to date, I can never return to the same conditions of employment that prevailed before the intertwined chain of events unfolded between late August and early and early October of 2016. The essence of this initial salvo on my reputation resulted in my being pronounced guilty until proven innocent. Has anything changed in the current process to reverse this perversion of natural justice?

Mr. Schlachter argues that the series “does not meet the basic standards of respectable journalism and encourages conflict and controversy rather than responsible and respectable discourse.” Where was the opening for “responsible discourse” when U of L President Mike Mahon failed to seek out my side of the story amidst all the negative publicity attending the Facebook deception, the manufactured crisis that created the public environment for my subsequent suspension?

Even now, where are the venues for this “responsible and respectable discourse” on the academic freedom case currently unfolding at the University of Lethbridge? Does Mr. Schlachter’s response to the five-part series embody precisely the kind of “encouragement” to “conflict and controversy” that he wrongfully attributes to the officers of the Lethbridge Herald?

Anthony James Hall
Professor of Globalization Studies University of Lethbridge


Southern Poverty Law Center Has Lost All Credibility

May Face Additional Lawsuits

Selwyn Duke
The New American
(June 23, 2018)

“SPLC” may not stand for Sneaky Propaganda and Libel Center, but more and more Americans think it should. This is especially true after the organization had to pay a large settlement to an Islamic reformer it falsely labeled an “anti-Muslim extremist,” a victory that has inspired other targeted entities to also consider suing the SPLC.The far left-wing SPLC, or Southern Poverty Law Center, has long played a real-life cross between Santa Claus and Stalin, making a list of who’s naughty or nice and then managing to “gift” those it deems “haters” with stigmatization. Yet the misnamed organization — it has little to do with poverty or law, neither experiencing nor alleviating the former and violating the latter’s spirit — makes a habit of targeting those whose only trespass is, well, disagreeing with the SPLC. I ought to know: I myself was placed on its “HateWatch” page about a decade ago (more on that later).

The problem is that the SPLC has become the media go-to organization for who or what should be considered a “hater,” and being thus labeled can mean censorship by social media; with such media being today’s public square, this can deny the SPLC’s victims (almost always conservatives) a voice.

But one of these victims, finally, has gotten some justice. As National Review reported Monday, the SPLC “has reached a settlement with liberal Islamic reformer Maajid Nawaz and his organization, the Quilliam Foundation, for wrongly including them on its now-defunct list of ‘anti-Muslim extremists.’”

The SPLC will pay Nawaz and Quilliam $3.375 million, the “result of a lawsuit Nawaz filed in April over his inclusion on the SPLC’s ‘Field Guide to Anti-Muslim Extremists,’” National Review further informed.